The Empire Comes Out of the Closet

This is what happens when your bluff is called

For a century, the machinery that governed the American economy from the outside depended on staying unseen. The free-trade catechism, the “special relationship,” and the endowed networks that quietly staffed Washington’s foreign and economic policy establishments all worked only so long as Americans believed there was no arrangement at all. “This is the way things are done.” If you call it out you were a conspiracy theorist. So, the machine kept running.

Something has changed. The United States finally has an administration that is reviving the American System by name. It is putting policies into practice that defend America’s economic sovereignty, led by aggressive tariffs.

The American System is back, so the men behind the curtain are no longer hiding how the machine works. This past month, if you were paying attention, and I was, three cogs in that machinery saw the light of day—first on a panel at a London think tank; second, in new appointments at the highest level of the Canadian government, and third, in a speech on political terrorism. They might look like three unrelated stories, but they are three elements of one operation, visible all at once now that someone is finally challenging it.

The Idea They Can No Longer Use

For fifty years, free trade was treated as close to a law of nature — and bitter economic enemies, like Keynesian Paul Samuelson and Milton Friedman and the Chicago School agreed on it. Only “populists” like Ross Perot and the blue-collar workers who lost their jobs objected, and they were dismissed as economic bumpkins who didn’t understand the modern post-war economy.

But then, in mid-July, London’s premier think tank, Chatham House, suddenly admitted that free trade was not always idolized by everyone. They drew the curtain back on the real economic fight, which has been hidden for over 100 years. During a panel entitled “Trade vs. Protectionism: America’s Enduring Foreign Policy Debate,” Chatham House fellow Heather Hurlburt spilled the beans.

“As late as the 1890s, American politicians were equating protectionism with patriotism. The speaker of the house said, ‘I am an American and therefore I am a protectionist.’ And not only that, if you were a free trader, you could be accused of being pro-British.”

From this bastion of British liberal economics, came the admission that, in the decades when Americans still understood their own economic history, free trade was recognized for what it was — the British system, and a marker of loyalty to London.

That recognition, and with it the knowledge of America’s own revolutionary economic system, was written out of our history for a hundred years, with the help of institutions like Chatham House. The Empire has evidently decided there is no longer any point in hiding it.

Hurlburt then went further, with this explosive bit of history:

Because there’s nothing new under the sun, McKinley, before he was elected president, championed a tariff that some members of Congress hoped would squeeze Canada so hard it would agree to be annexed to the United States.

It wasn’t just McKinley. Our current President does seem to put tariffs and the question of a 51st state in the same policy bucket. Which brings us to the second piece of imperial machinery which is now in the sunlight, namely, Canada, and its current Prime Minister.

The Crown’s New Operating Base

Since his Davos speech in January declaring the post-war rules-based order dead, Mark Carney has been the public face of Globalism 2.0. He openly concedes that the “special relationship,” in which the U.S. served as enforcer for British imperial policy, is over. When former Prime Minister Keir Starmer argued that the West had to salvage its relationship with Washington, Carney dismissed it with: “we don’t have a relationship to keep.”

And the team he has assembled to manage the Trump problem gives him away. Consider Dominic LeBlanc, his minister for trade with the United States. Who does LeBlanc report to? King Charles. Besides his trade portfolio he is the President of the King’s Privy Council. And the Crown, we should not forget, remains the sovereign in Canada.

Then there is the new Governor General, Louise Arbour, the King’s official representative in Canada, appointed in May. She was chief prosecutor of the United Nations International Criminal Tribunals, and from there encouraged the creation of the International Criminal Court — the Soros-funded apparatus just denounced by Secretary of State Marco Rubio as a threat to our sovereignty.

Finally, in case you haven’t figured out who this is all directed against, Carney has created a new post in the Prime Minister’s office for Maia Johnson. Johnson is an American political operative whose résumé runs through the Hillary Clinton campaign and Michael Bloomberg’s political machine — working for each when they were running against Donald Trump.

They are not hiding it any longer: Carney is acting for the Empire, not for Canada.

The Instrument They Don’t Discuss

The third instrument is the one kept in the deepest shadows — and this month, at a State Department event on left-wing terrorism, Secretary of State Rubio named it. He described a series of assassinations which have been treated as random events.

You remember the machine gun massacres of Italy’s red brigades which held a fivetime prime minister captive for 55 days before subjecting him to a revolutionary so-called people’s trial and executing him in 1978. You remember the Red Army faction’s nearly three decade campaign of bombings, kidnappings, and assassinations in Germany, murdering dozens and injuring hundreds more.
Marco Rubio

Rubio didn’t name the names. I will. That Italian Prime Minister was Aldo Moro, the most powerful politician in Italy, killed at the exact moment he was building a stable, self-governing nation — when the whole imperial game depended on keeping Italy weak and divided.

But it is in the German assassinations that you see the real pattern. In November 1989, shortly after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Alfred Herrhausen — chairman of Deutsche Bank and a close ally of the German Chancellor — was assassinated. He was drawing up a plan to rebuild Poland’s industry through a national reconstruction bank: directed, long-term credit for factories and infrastructure. He was also calling for Third World debt relief. None of that was in the globalists’ plan.

Rubio described the mentality behind all of it with precision:

It has always been driven by a hatred, above all else, a hatred for civilization itself. It is a revolt of the worst against the best, a revolt of the weak and the cowardly against the strong and the good. It is perpetrated by those who cannot build, who cannot create, who cannot achieve great things.
Marco Rubio

This is the real fight: on one side, the builders, using American System methods, on the other, those who would sacrifice civilization on the imperial altar, whether by ideology or by assassination.

Being Seen Was the One Thing It Could Not Afford

Set the three instruments side by side: some forgotten history confessed at Chatham House, an apparatus assembled in the open in Ottawa, and the oldest and ugliest tool of all named aloud from a podium in Washington. For a hundred years the Empire got away with its operation in the shadows. Now its own people are describing it in public. The real measure of this administration is not just the tariffs and the factories, but the exposure of the system that spent a century preventing them.

The hidden operation has become a visible adversary, and a visible adversary can be beaten.